Prime Minister’s cynicism and refusal to release his grip on power has legitimised the most extreme elements in Israeli politics – and prompted the world’s outrage
Don’t be fooled by Benjamin Netanyahu’s sudden decision to order the immediate resumption of “basic” humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip on Saturday night. He hasn’t suddenly found his conscience or his inner humanitarian.
The Israeli leader, who likes to portray himself as a great strategist and statesman, often buckles under pressure, mostly for the worse, but on this occasion the better. Although this might be a case of not even a drop in the ocean, considering Gaza‘s enormous need for continuous large-scale aid supply.
Netanyahu, throughout his political career, has worked on the assumption that he could defy Abraham Lincoln’s maxim that “You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the people some of the time, but you cannot fool all of the people all of the time.” He is the longest-serving prime minister in Israel’s history, but his web of lies seems to be catching up with him.
Allowing humanitarian pauses and an influx of aid was the result of Netanyahu panicking in the face of a rare occasion of an international community coming together in the face of the horrific images of a starving population in Gaza, among them many children. Any society should be appalled for causing this extreme hunger, let alone the Jewish state, considering the all too recent history of its people.
But even this obviously correct decision had to be made through a subterfuge to bypass ultranationalist members of the cabinet, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich, using the excuse of not disturbing these two religious politicians during the Shabbat, which only the very naive would believe.
Ben-Gvir and Smotrich oppose any aid entering Gaza, as starving the population, in their despicably distorted thinking, will hasten their wish for the Gazan people to leave the enclave, allowing Israel to annex it and rebuild settlements there.
What complicates matters further is Netanyahu’s desperation to keep these religious-nationalist-messianic elements in his coalition, even more so after the ultra-Orthodox parties, United Torah Judaism and Shas, announced last month they were quitting the government, blaming the coalition for not being able to extend the exemption from conscription for religious students.
The Prime Minister is attempting to manoeuvre through deceit between their demands and the need for thousands more soldiers after nearly two years of war, which resulted in a call from the chiefs of the Israel Defence Forces (IDF) – and from those who already gave hundreds of days of service – to mobilise ultra-orthodox youth, who don’t do military service, but enjoy generous state benefits for studies that don’t benefit Israel’s economy or society. Netanyahu can’t solve it, so he lets the issue drag on to keep his coalition from disintegrating, still hoping that these parties will support him in parliament.
The Israeli Prime Minister brought this situation on himself, by not suspending himself for the duration of his corruption trial from his post, which has been ongoing for five years, and has only now, due to Netanyahu’s lawyers’ manipulations, reached the stage he dreads most, of being cross-examined by the prosecution.
Alternatively, he could have agreed to a plea bargain and left politics. Instead, he chose to legitimise the most extreme elements in Israeli politics, helped them to do well in the last general election, and formed a government with them. That made him susceptible to being constantly blackmailed by his far-right partners, even before the Hamas attacks of 7 October 2023, and more so in its aftermath.
Most Israelis see him as responsible for this colossal failure and want him to go in the next general election, which is not due until next October. Hence he continues the war despite the opposition by a vast majority among Israelis, who would rather see a ceasefire deal that would lead to the hostages being returned.
In the international arena, his capitulation to his coalition partners, which has resulted in a never-ending war and starvation in Gaza, is causing immense anger. In Europe, there are growing calls from the public and politicians to impose sanctions on Israel until it stops killing civilians, including those who queue for food in the ill-conceived and misleadingly named Gaza Humanitarian Fund centres, which have become a death trap.
France’s announcement of its intention to recognise Palestinian statehood during the next UN General Assembly session in September, with other countries waiting to follow suit, has increased the pressure on Netanyahu. His cynicism has accelerated the very outcome he opposed most – of Palestinian self-determination.
Now it enjoys more support than ever, while Israel’s reputation is in freefall.
Yossi Mekelberg is professor of international relations and associate fellow of the Chatham House Middle East and North Africa programme
